Waiting for Naas Ball: An analysis of the meme-ification of modern Irish monuments

Shane Burke [ Email ] [ Instagram ] [ Linkedin ]

This essay explores the intersection of digital culture, public monuments, and socio-political discourse in Ireland, focusing on the meme-ification of two contemporary Irish monuments: The Spire and Naas Ball. Drawing on Henri Lefebvre's spatial theory, it examines how these monuments contribute to the production of space and mirror the reproduction of capitalist ideologies, particularly during the Celtic Tiger era. By analysing how memes reappropriate these monuments, the essay reveals a critique of neoliberalism and consumerism embedded in digital culture. It also considers how Irish cultural attitudes, shaped by Catholicism, influence the perception and reception of these monuments, with memes functioning as a form of Freudian gallows humour. Through semi-structured interviews, the essay illustrates how these digital representations provide a space for expressing collective guilt and shame in post-Celtic Tiger Ireland, rather than offering direct critiques of global capitalism. Ultimately, the essay highlights the intricate relationship between digital culture, public monuments, and socio-political discourse, demonstrating how memes can transform and subvert established symbols within a specific cultural context.

"Nothing is funnier than unhappiness, I grant you that. Yes, yes, it's the most comical thing in the world."- Samuel Beckett

Introduction

In the dynamic landscape of digital culture, the phenomenon of 'meme-ification' has emerged as a potent force, reshaping how we engage with and interpret the world around us. In this essay, I delve into the intriguing intersection of digital culture, public monuments, and socio-political discourse, focusing on two modern monuments in Irish society: The Spire and Naas Ball. Drawing upon Henri Lefebvre's (1991) spatial theory, I embark on an exploration of how these monuments intersect with the production of space and the reproduction of capitalist ideologies. Following this, I explore the meme-ification of these monuments and offer varying analyses of them using Lefebvre’s theory of appropriation and Freudian (1960) gallows humour. My critical investigation is also aided by semi-structured interviews with Irish participants which involved photo elicitation[1] of the monuments and memes.

The Production of Space

Henri Lefebvre, in his seminal work "The Production of Space" (1991), contends that space is not a disconnected entity but rather deeply intertwined with politics and social relations. He introduces the concept of 'abstract space,' shaped by capitalist ideologies, where space becomes a tool of domination (1991:234-239). Capitalism's survival, Lefebvre (1991:407) argues, relies on a 'mystified spatiality,' where ideology and illusion obscure the true nature of space, establishing elusive social relations marked by boundaries and limitations. This production of capitalist space is characterised by the disconnection of the body from space, leading to what Simonsen (2005:2) terms the 'decorporealization of space.' Modernity, according to Lefebvre, shifts humanity from a concrete, a physical connection with the world to a more abstract engagement, resulting in disconnected and abstract spatial experiences. Space, in Lefebvre's (1991:343-349) view, not only reflects ideology but reproduces unequal social relations and suppresses conflict.

Lefebvre's (1991:245) framework provides a lens to analyse public monuments operating at three conceptual levels. Firstly, spatial practices involve tangible aspects such as physical structures and urban spaces. Secondly, the representation of space considers how these phenomena are imbued with meaning and symbolism, shaping collective memory and identity. Finally, the space of representation or imagination delves into how individuals and communities conceptualise and experience urban spaces in everyday life. These three levels are interconnected, with spatial practices, representation of space, and the space of representation mutually shaping each other (ibid:246). Understanding this intertwinement, we can explore how memes of modern Irish monuments offer insights into the space of representation, reflecting both the portrayal of monuments and people's everyday experiences.

Historical Background

Before embarking on an analysis of the Spire and Naas Ball, it is essential to contextualise their construction within the broader socio-economic milieu of the 'Celtic Tiger' era. This period, from the 1990s to 2007, marked a significant transformation in Irish history, where the Republic of Ireland shifted from an economy in decline during the 1980s to a thriving neoliberal powerhouse in Europe (Fennell 2009). The rapid economic growth of the Celtic Tiger era led to increased wages, low unemployment, and a surge in foreign investment[2] (McSharry et al. 2000). This growth also influenced societal changes, as Ireland moved away from traditional hyper-religious Catholic values toward more liberal Western ideologies. Social topics like divorce, gay rights, and consumerism became more mainstream, reflecting this societal shift during growing globalisation (McWilliams 2018).

Concurrently, the resolution of 'The Troubles' in Northern Ireland, ending three decades of conflict on the island, contributed to the economic growth (McVeigh & Rolston 2021). However, the optimism of the Celtic Tiger era was cut short by the 2008 financial crisis, caused by the collapse of the property market. Ireland, once celebrated as an economic success story, faced recession, with rising emigration, increased unemployment, and severe austerity measures (Coulter 2015).  As Fintan O'Toole (2009:3) put it, the dramatic rise and fall of Ireland "made Icarus look boringly stable.”

Modern Irish Monuments: The Spire and Naas Ball

Rising prominently on Dublin's busy O'Connell Street is the Monument of Light, commonly known as the Spire of Dublin (Corcoran 2005). This stainless-steel structure stands 120 metres tall, resembling a thin pin piercing the city's skyline (Figure 1), was designed by the British architect Ian Ritchie and his firm, Ian Ritchie Architects (Burns, 2023). The Spire was commissioned by Dublin City Council as part of a broader urban renewal project aimed at revitalizing O'Connell Street during the Celtic Tiger era, a period of significant economic growth in Ireland. Despite initial objections and legal challenges, the Spire's construction was completed in 2003, at a cost of €4.6 million (Burns, 2023). It occupies the site where Nelson's Pillar, a former monument, once stood before it was destroyed in a 1966 bomb attack.

Mary Corcoran (2005:20) applies Lefebvre's spatial theory to suggest that the Spire is "a symbol of capitalist logic." By drawing from Lefebvre's (1991:363) idea that capitalism's spatial planning often reproduces contradictions, Corcoran examines the development of O'Connell Street and uncovers inconsistencies between goals and outcomes. The effort to make the Spire a visual spectacle required a revamp of its surroundings, yet this urban renewal ultimately shifted the street's public space concept. Efforts to ‘clean up’ the area to improve its aesthetic led to the exclusion of those considered ‘undesirable,’ showcasing a trend where beautification takes precedence over addressing social issues, often causing displacement.

Though Corcoran criticises the capitalist logic behind the Spire, she also sees it as a "vehicle through which we might dream of new urban futures" (2005:16). Arguably, its distinctive height and design inspire contemplation of future possibilities, providing a sense of hope. Corcoran (2005:19) also notes the Spire's non-nationalistic and non-religious nature, implying that it symbolises a future devoid of sectarianism and past traumas, as well as a break from the social authoritarianism of the Catholic Church. She further mentions that the Spire has the potential to rejuvenate economically disadvantaged areas, particularly in the northern parts of Dublin, sparking an imagination of a more equitable future. This aligns with Ian Ritchie's description of the Spire as "a pure symbol of optimism for the future” (as quoted in Corcoran 2005:160).

However, it is important to contextualise Corcoran's argument within the optimism of the Celtic Tiger era. This period was characterised by an overemphasis on economic growth as a solution to societal issues, reflecting a neoliberal ideology that viewed capitalism as a panacea (O’Toole 2009). In hindsight, it is evident that the Spire embodied neoliberalism, suggesting that economic growth could overcome past grievances and social inequalities. Its subtle ‘End of History’ undertones further reinforce the neoliberal tendency to promote capitalism as the only viable economic model (Fukuyama 1989). Additionally, the spectacle nature that Corcoran and others prophesied was perhaps the opposite of what emerged from my interviews. People found the Spire rather unimpressive as a monument especially given its cost with one participant, Emma stating “it’s kind of boring how Paris has like the Arc de Triomphe and we just have a big pole”.

Moreover, inequality has worsened since the economic crash, sparking public debates about addressing the decline of areas like O'Connell Street where the Spire stands (Hubert, 2023). This failure was evident in my interviews as well with a couple of my participants mentioning they would not go near The Spire and its general vicinity at night out of concern for safety. Thus, the Spire's failure to revitalise the poorer areas of the city underscores the limitations of its optimistic symbolism. While Corcoran's critique acknowledges the Spire's reproduction of capitalist logic, it lacks the nuance to recognize its specific embodiment of neoliberal capitalism and its failure to inspire genuine new urban futures.

Unfortunately, Naas Ball lacks any substantive academic literature and public debate compared to The Spire. Nevertheless, it exemplifies a similar capitalist logic. The Naas Ball, initially named 'Perpetual Motion,' emerged as a hollow sphere 9 metres in diameter in 1993 (Brummell 2021) (Figure 2). Constructed of ferrocement and adorned with road markings akin to those on actual roads, it symbolises motion and celebrates travel and motorway design (ibid). Positioned adjacent to the M7 motorway, one of Ireland’s busiest routes connecting Dublin to the rest of the country, the Naas Ball stands as a spectacle to be observed rather than an active space for consumerism or civic engagement.

Additionally, several of my participants identified the Naas Ball with trips in and out of Dublin This emphasis on mobility and globalisation mirrors the neoliberal semiotics seen in The Spire. With this understanding of how modern Irish monuments reflect a specific neoliberal capitalist ideology, the following section will delve into the representation of space through their meme-ification, preceded by an exploration of the relevance of digital space to the built environment.

Digital Space and Memes

Scholars in the social sciences have increasingly focused on the materiality of the digital realm, giving rise to the field of digital anthropology. This perspective emphasises that technologies are not passive tools but actively shape and are shaped by human practices (Miller & Horst, 2012). Digital materiality extends beyond physical manifestations to include digital design practices (Pink, Ardevol & Lanzeni 2016). For instance, Bigg (2022) demonstrates how digital spaces convey messages and serve specific functions, as seen in The Uncensored Library, an online library within the video game Minecraft. By examining memes related to The Spire and Naas Ball, I aim to illustrate how digital spaces intersect with physical monuments, contributing to the exploration of digital materiality and its implications in cultural analysis.

Memes, originally conceptualised by Richard Dawkins (1976), have evolved into powerful cultural artefacts in the digital age, proliferating rapidly through the Internet. They serve as vehicles for engaging with topical, political, and ideological content, often employing parody and pastiche to convey messages (Phillips & Milner 2017). Parody involves mocking or commenting on a subject through exaggerated imitation, while pastiche celebrates its source material. Both rely on mimicry to convey their messages, often incorporating irony and satire to critique the original text's authorial voice (Milner 2016; Silvestri 2018). This participatory nature of parody fosters a sense of community and belonging among audiences, tapping into what Papacharissi (2015:ix) terms "affective attunement." This distinct agency granted to memes, their capacity to “capture, hold and transform cognitive operations”, marks them as a medium worth investigating (Hirsch, Pinney & Küchler, 1997: 25; Gell, 1998). Therefore, I will examine the socio-political implications of the Spire and Naas Ball memes, delving into their symbolic resonance and exploring how they are received by my Irish participants.

Meme-ification of Naas Ball and The Spire

Memes featuring the Naas Ball offer various humorous takes that resonate with Irish audiences. Consider the popular "Wait, It's All Ohio? Always Has Been." In this meme template, two astronauts are in space, with one questioning something about Earth and the other, armed and ready, responding, "Always has been." Typically, the meme portrays Earth as something mundane like Ohio or Italy (Know Your Meme 2020). When the Naas Ball is used as Earth, it humorously suggests the world is solely composed of this roadside monument (Figure 3). This absurd notion, combined with the astronaut's readiness to defend it, creates a comedic effect.

Another meme, "What If We Kissed," employs a phrasal template suggesting unconventional locations for romantic encounters. The punchline often involves suggesting an unlikely spot for a kiss, such as the panopticon or the Temple of Doom (Know Your Meme 2019). Placing the Naas Ball in this context adds an element of absurdity, as the notion of kissing at a motorway landmark is inherently humorous (Figure 4). Yet, its recognizability to an Irish audience adds to its appeal, creating a shared understanding of the meme's absurdity.

The Naas Ball's parody Twitter account also contributes to its meme-worthy status. Tweets from this account, like one comparing having coffee by the Naas Ball to visiting the pyramids of Giza, highlight the stark contrast between this modest roadside monument and iconic landmarks. This exaggerated comparison evokes laughter by emphasising the absurdity of elevating the Naas Ball to world wonder status (Figure 5 +6).

Similarly, the Spire has a parody Twitter account, adding to its meme-worthy status. This account injects humour into the Spire's persona, creating amusing interactions with other landmarks. For example, the Spire's parody Twitter account dismisses the Leaning Tower of Pisa as "pathetic” (Figure 6). The humour comes from the absurdity of the Spire engaging in playful banter with one of the world's most iconic landmarks, despite being relatively new and less significant.

The Galaxy Brain meme format is also used to satirize the perceived value of the Spire's maintenance. This meme typically shows a progression of brain size, with each step representing a different level of understanding or perspective (Know Your Meme 2018). In this context, the punchline revolves around contrasting the resources spent on maintaining the Spire with other, more practical uses like public transportation or education (Figure 8). This meme format humorously critiques the perceived extravagance of prioritizing the Spire's upkeep over more pressing societal needs.

Additionally, memes depicting real-life and fictional figures interacting with the Spire add to its meme-ification. Examples include Mulan climbing the Spire and Lil Nas X using it as a stripper pole, playfully highlighting the unconventional design of the Spire, turning it from a solemn monument into a whimsical prop for humorous scenarios (Figures 9 +10). It is worth noting that while the Spire receives significant meme attention, other similar-shaped landmarks, like the Poolbeg Stacks, do not experience the same level of meme-ification. The Poolbeg Stacks, also known as the "Pigeon House Chimneys," are iconic twin chimneys located at the Poolbeg Generating Station in Dublin Bay.

Standing at 207 meters tall, they are among the tallest structures in Ireland and have been a prominent feature of Dublin's skyline since their construction in the 1970s.

The Stacks have long been a symbol of Dublin's industrial past and are often seen as a nostalgic landmark for many Dubliners. Despite their visual prominence and cultural significance, the Poolbeg Stacks have not been as widely incorporated into internet meme culture as the Spire. This could be due to their association with industry and power generation, which contrasts with the Spire’s more abstract and modernist symbolism. The Stacks are more often celebrated in traditional forms of media and local culture rather than being repurposed in the playful, irreverent manner typical of memes.

Figure 7 – Pisa Meme. Source: Twitter (2018), Figure 8 – Galaxy Brain Spire Meme. Source: Reddit (2017), Figure 9 – Mulan Meme. Source: Facebook (2016), Figure 10- Lil Nas X Spire Meme. Source: Twitter (2021)

Appropriation/Détournement

Returning to Lefebvre, we can discern profound implications from the meme-ification of modern Irish monuments. Lefebvre's (1991:343-349) concept of appropriation, which entails modifying space to satisfy human needs, aligns with the memes' appropriation of space from the capitalist system. This goes beyond mere physical use of space; it encompasses the radical transformation of urban space to meet the demands of residents. This concept is closely related to Debord's (1967) theory of détournement, which involves redirecting existing cultural elements to critique capitalist society (Lefebvre 1991:286). Détournement relies on reworking earlier artistic or cultural expressions to undermine the prevailing spectacle of capitalist culture, thereby enabling individuals and communities to create spaces that serve their own purposes (Debord, 1967). Considering these connections, one could argue that détournement is a specific form of appropriation with particular relevance to meme culture due to its focus on mimicry and subversion.

In this context, memes can be seen as a form of détournement, where they humorously and satirically reinterpret or reframe established symbols, like monuments, to challenge the original capitalist meanings and functions. The meme-ification of the Spire and Naas Ball serves as a potent critique of neoliberal Ireland and the excesses of the Celtic Tiger era. These monuments, initially erected as symbols of economic prosperity and modernization during the Celtic Tiger period, have been subverted and repurposed within meme culture to challenge the prevailing narratives of neoliberalism and consumerism.

The Spire, conceived as a towering beacon of Ireland's newfound wealth and aspirations, becomes the subject of playful ridicule and satire in the above memes that undermine its grandiose symbolism.  Through absurd scenarios and humorous juxtapositions, the memes depicting the Spire as a frivolous spectacle, highlight the absurdity of prioritising monumental architecture over pressing social and economic issues. An example of this is the galaxy brain (Figure 8) meme, which prompted discussions about wasteful government spending during interviews, notably with Emma, who has a background in architecture. The memes thus potentially undermine the original message of progress and prosperity, instead exposing the empty promises that often accompany neoliberal development.

Similarly, the Naas Ball, originally intended to celebrate mobility and travel within the Celtic Tiger's hyper-consumerist landscape, is reappropriated in memes to critique the era's excesses. By inserting the Naas Ball into unexpected contexts or exaggerating its significance, memes expose the banality and superficiality of the Celtic Tiger's obsession with economic growth and material consumption. For example, memes depicting the Naas Ball as the entirety of Earth in the "Wait, It's All X? Always Has Been" format humorously exaggerated its importance while satirising the culture of spectacle and hyperbole that characterised the Celtic Tiger era. Additionally, these memes enabled my participants to talk about the insignificance of the Naas Ball as a monument, thus highlighting its failure as a spectacle.

By détournement, the meme-ification of these monuments provides a pointed critique of neoliberal ideology. Through subversion, these memes invite viewers to challenge the underlying values of neoliberal Ireland and reflect on the Celtic Tiger's legacy. According to Lefebvre, this type of détournement is an act of appropriation, transforming spaces away from capitalist logic towards purposes that suit the community's needs—in this case, to critique neoliberalism and the Celtic Tiger era.

Lefebvre's theoretical framework aligns with contemporary trends in the anthropology of resistance and incorporates the concept of memes as "weapons of the weak" (Scott, 1988). However, another theme emerged my interviews which reveals that, Lefebvre's interpretation does not fully capture the nuances of Irish experiences following the decline of the Celtic Tiger. From my interviews, the decline of the Celtic Tiger is often not attributed to broader capitalist systems but rather to internal factors, such as excessive spending and a sense of collective overreach. Thus, in the next section, I will illustrate how the post-Celtic Tiger memes can be seen as expressions of Freudian (1960) gallows humour, reflecting a collective acknowledgment of missteps and a shared sense of guilt and shame, rather than a critique of global capitalism.

“We lost the run of ourselves”

After the financial crash of 2008, the Irish government incurred substantial debt from the European Union, the IMF, and other financial institutions to bail out the banks, precipitating the recession (O’Toole 2009; Coulter 2015). Despite the austerity measures imposed under instruction from creditors, the Irish populace remained relatively passive. While minor protests occurred, there was no major upheaval or rebellion against the consequences of private institutions (Layte & Landy 2017). The prevailing consensus among academics and commentators is that the Irish public largely blamed themselves for the crash (Free & Scully 2016; O’Toole 2009). This sentiment is epitomised in the widely used phrase “we lost the run of ourselves," suggesting that individual choices over personal debt and frivolous spending were the primary contributors to the financial collapse, rather than global market failures or regulatory banking practices (Free & Scully 2016:1).

The phrase "we lost the run of ourselves" conveys a sense of anxiety and loss, reflecting a cultural and corporeal 'habitus' rooted in Irish Catholicism. This habitus encompasses a set of ingrained dispositions favouring modesty, self-restraint, and humility, heavily influenced by Catholic teachings. According to Inglis (2006), Irish culture's focus on self-deprecation and humility stems from Catholic philosophies of self-denial, where individuals avoid seeking excess and instead value contentment with what they have. This ethos discourages indulgence, emphasizing spiritual values over material wealth, and contributes to a general reluctance to embrace extravagance.

However, the Celtic Tiger era, with its neoliberal attitudes and focus on individualism, marked a significant cultural shift. It encouraged personal ambition and a consumer-oriented mindset, leading to new sources of individual guilt and creating tension between traditional Catholic values and a modern, consumer-driven paradigm (Inglis 2006; Free & Scully 2016; Kitchin et al. 2012). This transition exposed a cultural clash, where the remnants of Catholic influence, including a sense of shame and modesty, conflicted with the rise of consumerism and economic excess[3]. This habitus also accounts for the criticism surrounding wasteful spending on public monuments, as seen in memes and interviews. While the Spire and other Celtic Tiger-era projects received criticism for their extravagant costs, these critiques might not necessarily target neoliberalism, as state-funded art contrasts with some of its fundamental principles, such as limiting state spending.

In interviews, respondents often focused on the perceived wastefulness rather than pointing to global capitalism or the banks involved in the financial crisis. This response was elicited by parody tweets in my interviews with many of my participants finding the comparison funny and discussing Ireland versus other countries. For example, Adam ranted about “Who do we think we are? Trying to build stuff like the ancient Egyptians”, chuckling to himself. The repeated use of “we” in these interviews suggests a sense of collective shame about the Celtic Tiger which is notable given that most of my participants were children at the time.

Gallows Humour

From a psychoanalytic perspective, memes can be viewed as a contemporary form of Freudian (1960:288) gallows humour, also known as black humour, where laughter serves a release of the ego from the paternal voice of authority in stressful situations. This tradition has deep roots in Irish culture, seen in the works of writers like Flann O'Brien (Borg & Fagan 2021). According to Freud (1960), gallows humour provides a coping mechanism, allowing individuals to process trauma retrospectively, offering a way to make sense of difficult experiences. In this light, memes about the Spire of Dublin and the Naas Ball can be interpreted as playful jabs at Ireland's tendency to build grandiose monuments during the Celtic Tiger era.  During my interviews, the memes generated far more discussion than my interview questions and enabled my participants to elaborate further on aspects of the monuments such as the cost of the Spire. Additionally, it generated laughter reminiscing about the Celtic Tiger era and other notable features of it such as heated towel racks. This inevitably led into conversations post-2008 crash and not so fond memories.

In contrast, Freud (1960:233) argued that gallows humour can enable the repression of trauma by means of escapism. Despite the galaxy brain meme, the memes do not make an explicit critique of these monuments, thus the memes may reflect a resignation to neoliberalism’s mantra of 'there is no alternative,' accepting collective blame over the Celtic Tiger rather than critiquing the global financial system. Given my lack of psycho-analytic training it would be impossible to ascertain the difference between processing trauma and escapism, either way, the meme-fication of Irish monuments could be interpreted as a humorous coping mechanism rather than a direct critique of neoliberalism.

Reflecting on my analysis, I find that Freud's concept of gallows humour offers a compelling and comprehensive framework to understand the meme-ification of contemporary Irish monuments. However, I must acknowledge the limitations of my study. The sample size was small, comprising only five participants, with the majority under the age of 30. Furthermore, I am not a trained psychoanalyst, which restricts my ability to deeply examine the emotional nuances and responses that the memes elicit. Additionally, It is crucial not to overlook alternative interpretations like the appropriation perspective because cultural attitudes and collective memory are fluid, and it is possible that future research might reveal a broader spectrum of opinions.

Conclusion

In this essay, I have illuminated the intriguing intersections between modern Irish monuments, digital culture, and socio-political discourse, emphasising the role of 'meme-ification' in shaping how society perceives and engages with its surroundings. Through an in-depth exploration of The Spire and Naas Ball, I have delved into the capitalist logic that underpinned their construction during the Celtic Tiger era, as well as the subsequent wave of critique and satire that emerged in meme culture. Subsequently, I attempted to account for this meme-ification through Lefebvre’s theory of appropriation reclaims these monuments, challenging their capitalist roots and questioning neoliberal values.

Yet, this shift might not solely reflect a critique of global capitalism. Instead, it can be understood as Freudian gallows humour, showing a collective acknowledgment of missteps, guilt, and shame—sentiments deeply ingrained in Irish culture due to the influence of Catholicism. Additionally, I have explored the intersection of digital media and architecture, illustrating how digital platforms can significantly impact the way we represent and interact with physical spaces. My work emphasizes the reciprocal relationship between internet memes and architectural monuments, showing how they influence each other in meaningful ways. Beyond that, I have also delved into the evolving literature on memes and humour, underscoring the idea that, while memes often lean towards the silly or humorous, they can also carry profound and serious messages, reinforcing the insight from Phillips and Milner that "just because something is silly doesn’t mean it can’t also forward a serious message" (2017:190).

[1] Photo elicitation is a qualitative research technique wherein images are used to prompt responses or guide conversations during interviews. Traditionally, researchers use photographs or other visual materials to elicit deeper insights from participants, facilitating a more relaxed and open dialogue (Pink, 2007:3) I conducted semi-structured interviews with five participants ranging from ages 19 to 33 using this technique to spark discussion about the monuments and memes.

[2] Although, the standard of living increased all sectors of society, scholars such as Allen (2003) criticised the Celtic Tiger for exacerbating social exclusion and wealth inequality.

[3] Free & Skully (2016) also highlight the intwined relationship between Inglis’s (2006) Irish habitus and ‘postcolonial sensibilities’ of vulnerability that are associated with post-colonial nations like Ireland.

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