From Streets to Sentencing: Can Social Housing Failure explain the rising Levels of Youth Crime in Britain?

Madeline Derbyshire [ Linkedin ] [ Email ]

This paper explores the ways in which the physical architecture of Social Housing Estates in the UK correlates to their inhabitants having a higher likelihood of criminal activities. Looking through the lenses of identity, family, and friends I aim to closely examine how each of these relationships are informed by the physical structure, or lack thereof, on housing estates. Within the paper I refer to the works of Pierre Bourdieu and Maurice Merleau-Ponty imploring their notions of bodily hexis, habitus and phenomenology to illustrate how human activities are often a physical manifestation of their environments. Alongside the theoretical frameworks I refer to case studies conducted by Mike Collison, Joan McCord, and Tara Young as well as drawing from my own experiences to show what I hope is a more accurate and truthful insight as to what life is truly like on social housing estates. The idea for this paper comes from my own lived experiences, I have witnessed first-hand the failings of our social housing systems and have been forced to watch as so many fall victim to their own environments. For me writing this was a way to try and bring light to a small part of the many problems experienced in social housing, and to remind us all that every child no matter their address nor their postcode deserves the same opportunity to succeed.

My mother has been a primary school teacher all my life, specifically working around Rochdale in Greater Manchester. Rochdale is one of the most deprived areas within the country (Ministry of Housing 2019). On the days where my school was closed, I would go into school with her. However, what I most recall was the drive to the school. The school is situated in the middle of five different social housing estates, and as we drove through the houses and flats to get to the school, I remember thinking just how lucky I am to live in my house. With my own home, my blue bedroom, a garden, and my family all together. Throughout the years of my mother teaching, I’ve met and come to know many different children who lived on the estates. I have witnessed my parents help people in any capacity throughout my life; they would often be found helping the homeless people outside our local Tesco, buying bed linens and picture frames for them when they finally got a house. It is from my parents I’ve come to understand the value of homes. Not just a house but a home.  The passion to help others has been ingrained in me by my parents, and as a result this informed my chosen topic for this paper.

Within this paper I will be exploring how within the built environment of social housing, specific relationships and attitudes develop that are informed by the social and physical structures in place. Before going onto look at, how in turn these attitudes and relationships can develop into criminal behaviour. Funding for state provided services has changed drastically within the last ten years due to the government’s austerity policies, retrenchment and decentralisation of state provided services (Calum JR Webb 2022). This has accumulated into social housing often becoming places of extreme poverty, deprivation, and high levels of criminal behaviour. Throughout my writing in intend to highlight how it is through the faults and problems of social housing structure in the United Kingdom that we are witnessing such a drastic increase in the levels if crime committed by young people. In order to further explore this topic, I will be specifically looking into the notions of self-identity, familial relations and friendships. I have selected relevant ethnographic case studies to use within my writing. Alongside using the theoretical frameworks of Pierre Bourdieu (2005) and Maurice Merleau-Ponty (1942), to further develop my argument.

Pierre Bourdieu’s notion of habitus theorises that it is through the environment in which we are part of that we develop a certain set of acquired characteristics informing how we interact with and perceive the social world (Bourdieu 2005). This notion of habitus is something I will refer to throughout my essay, highlighting how the behaviours seen within social housing are adapted characteristics by tenants. They are not necessarily natural behaviours, but rather a by-product of their environment within social housing. I will also be utilising Bourdieu’s notion of body hexis within my paper, as the components that make up one’s habitus including speech, social orders, behaviours, and other aspects. (Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice 1977). Furthermore, Maurice Merleau-Ponty and his works on phenomenology will also be referred to within my writings. In his work, Merleau-Ponty acknowledges the body as the site of physical manifestations of its environment stating, ‘the relations between the organism and its environment are not relations of linear causality, but of circular causality’ (Merleau-Ponty, The Structure of Behaviour 1942).

Identity

It is widely researched and understood how our identity is deeply intertwined with our environment and the social conditions we are a part of (Bourdieu, Habitus: A Sense of Place 2005). When looking at the development of identity within council homes I wanted to particularly explore the development of identities amongst young men. To explore this idea, I will be using the case study conducted by Mike Collison in his writing “In Search of the high life: drugs, crimes, masculinities and consumption”. Conducted in 1996 his writing and discoveries remain to be incredibly insightful as it explores and investigates how identities are developed in social housing estates; specifically, amongst young men.

Within the paper Collison discusses the aspects of one’s identity that are valued and deemed acceptable within the estate- this would be considered the make-up of their body hexis within the environment of the estate. One of the young men involved in the paper discussed identity being tied to social status, reflected in their clothing featuring designer brands and specific items deemed ‘cool’ (Collison 1996). These material aspects of their identity have an immense amount of value to them, allowing the boys to assimilate with their peers and gain approval. One boy stated, “I speak through my clothes”, illustrating that it is through his clothing he feels he can most clearly articulate himself and his identity. This has generated a culture of mass consumption within social housing, as self-image is recreated and reinforced through one’s material possessions.

However, in order to sustain individual identity in their clothing, the young males need money.  When discussing this in the paper, one young man states that as a result of his lack of qualifications and formal education, he severely struggled to find a source of permeant employment and so mainly gained income from smaller ‘cash in hand’ jobs (Collison 1996). The lack of education and training within areas of high deprivation and council estates is also a huge factor when looking at employment levels. In Rochdale, Greater Manchester for example, an estimated 26% of the population have a high level of education, whereas 56% of the population are unemployed (Ministry of Housing 2019). As a result of this, within social housing the main employment of men is through “junk jobs”.  These include small jobs of predominately manual labour for others; such as neighbours for which that they receive cash in hand payments. This creates the culture of “grafting”, a term used to describe the idea of doing whatever necessary to generate an income. It is no surprise therefore that many young males within the estates turn to criminal activity, particularly drug dealing, as a way to generate income.

This high level of unemployment often seen within social housing estates can be viewed as a by-product of their habitus developed from their environment. The lack of education within the estates, as well as the pressure from peers, has manifested into the younger generation having little desire to attend school. The attitudes towards education are highlighted perfectly through a young male in Collison’s writings who recalls an interaction he had on his journey to school:

 “I’d be going to school and me mate would come up, ‘you’re not going to school, are you? you dickhead…you pussy, and I’d go ‘who you calling pussy? Come on I’ll go and nick a car then” (Collison 1996).

This illustrates how not only is education viewed as something that almost makes you weak, but how in an effort to recover from comments made due to him attending school, the immediate resolution to this was to steal a car and commit a crime. The negative stereotype surrounding education that is perpetuated by the habitus within the housing estates lead to increased levels of delinquency and therefore a much higher likelihood of crime

I would now like to put forward the idea that the reason so many young men rely on the reassurance of others to affirm their identity, is because within the context of social housing they were never given the ability to form their own. The National Housing Federation reported in April 2023 that over three hundred and fourteen thousand children live in an overcrowded house, being forced to share a bedroom with other members of their family. The leading cause of overcrowding is the lack of suitable social housing being provided for families (Federation 2023). This means that these children do not have their own space within a home, nor a bedroom they can decorate how they please, which is further restricted due to the imposed regulations regarding decoration within council houses. This lack of space for children and young adults within their own homes means they look for a way to source and reaffirm their identity elsewhere; specifically searching for this in the approval of their peers. This loss of identity is a part of the body hexis that develops within the built environment of Social housing, as the way they act, speak, emote, their likes and dislikes, all rely on the approval from others who more often than not are living in the same environment too.

It is clear to see how the built environment informs one's identity; and from this the multitude of issues surrounding the loss of identities within social housing often results in acts of violence or crime. Young men often don’t have the desire to commit a crime, but feel they must do in order to cement their own identities due to the habitus of the social estate. The notion of identity is also applicable to Maurice Merleau-Ponty’s notion of embodiment, as the body becomes its environment; it is then trapped in the cyclical relation of further informing each other.

Family

Families within social housing are often victimised to cruel and unjust stereotypes. These often-false narratives are pushed by the media, by the public and by the government (Tara Young 2014). The role of family within the council estate when studied in connection to crime, is something that is often seen as a precursor. Many expect that a dysfunctional familial environment cultivates specific behavioural characteristics in children. These assumed characteristics are often predisposed to a future of implied criminality. This perceived concept has formed the idea of the ‘problem ‘family being the basis for delinquency rather than the ‘normal’ family (Tara Young 2014). However, many ignore the importance of family relations in development of children, particularly the amount of time spent with parents and young adolescents and how this in turn has an incredible impact of the likelihood for one to commit a crime.

When discussing the role of families in the environment of social housing, I feel it is important to discuss the huge quantity of blame that is often associated with the topic. While researching the factors relevant in the rising rates in youth crimes and violent acts amongst children, I found an overwhelming number of articles, newspaper articles, government reports and speeches from members of parliament (included prime ministers) that immediately place blame onto the family (Tara Young 2014). More specifically blame often being placed onto single mothers of young boys. Single mothers are already a marginalised part of our society, often being faced with long hours of work and high levels of stress and anxiety surrounding their abilities to raise their children alone. Therefore, to place the blame of rising crime rates onto single mothers, particularly single mothers in disadvantaged areas living in social housing to me is not just inaccurate but cruel. In 2011 then Prime Minister David Cameron addressed the rising issue of youth crime rates in a speech pointing the problem to ‘troubled families’ he goes onto to state:

“Whatever you want to call them [families], we’ve known for years that a relatively small number of families are the source for a large proportion for the problems today. Drug Addiction. Alcohol abuse. Crime. A culture of disruption and irresponsibility that cascades through generations”.

He continued to discuss the “extraordinary amount of money these families cost us”. (Cameron, 2011). This excerpt from the speech highlights just how much blame is pushed onto the parents within environments such as social housing, due to the stereotypes pushed by society. But to then have the leader of the government describe them as having “a culture of disruption and irresponsibility that cascades through generations” further reinforces the stereotypes surrounding the families in social housing. Therefore, solidifying this narrative by perpetuating the idea of a them and us when considering and discussing families in social housing.

It is my belief that the lack of family time in social housing has a direct correlation to one’s likelihood to commit a crime. It is widely researched how deeply parental care is a huge influence on our social behaviours. However, it is also clear that when the researching connections between family life and criminal behaviour the most evident link is family bonding (McCord 1991). Many studies have shown just how crucial family relations are in connection to delinquency and criminality; mothers who positively engage with their children, actively spend time with them, in turn protect their children against delinquency due to the secure bonds formed between parent and child (McCord 1991). Parents often residing in social housing have multiple jobs and work much longer hours, this results in children in these families spending more time alone. As a result of this the imperative bonds between parent and child remain unnurtured. In this sense, the child’s habitus isn’t informed by their parents but rather their time alone. It is this habitus developed in isolation that I believe influences their likelihood to commit a crime. Therefore, families in social housing, often with parents working these long hours to provide for their children, result in a higher chance of youth delinquency and criminality. This is due to the lack time they have together to experience quality family interactions that more middle-class families would have the privilege to enjoy.

Friendships 

Friendships are often developed through shared experiences and interests, particularly amongst young men, people associate themselves with others who are similar to them. Friendship is often a very valuable part of people lives, particularly those who may feel disconnected from their family. Within social housing estates, friendship groups are often seen as a secondary family for people. Finding what they feel is missing in familial relationships in their friends, through shared respect and mutual understanding of one another. This idea is crucial to exploring the friendships discussed in Collison’s paper It’s the High Life. The young men all come from similar areas, giving them a similar body hexis and habitus. This often develops deep bonds between males due to the importance of friendships within the social housing estates. One young male in Collison’s paper states “me mates are my family”, Collison goes onto discuss how chaotic events are now imbedded in youth culture within social housing estates. Young men within social housing estates often exist in the in between space of family and the state, being excluded by both they find community in each other. (Collison 1996) Often, they have been victims of losing social spaces due to the increased closures of youth clubs and parks across the country. This often leads to them simply congregating on the streets of the estate, finding ways to entertain themselves from their surroundings. It is through these circumstances how many become involved with crime.

A reoccurring theme seen within male friendship groups is the tendency to ‘out do’ each other, particularly when highlighting their perceived masculinity. The term used for this is often to be ‘mad’- pushing the boundaries further than the other, more crime, breaking more rules, using more violence (Collison 1996). This almost competition like nature is then developed between young men, as to who can be the “maddest”, this is then used a way to generate a social hierarchy within groups and signifies the leader. This concept is fuelled by the deep notions of toxic masculinity that accumulate in this need to show the lack of care for themselves or others through their actions. In refusing to participate in such violent to aggressive acts with friends’ people being risk being seen as someone who isn’t “one of the lads”. The outsider of the group, who by this often becomes a target. The acts of violence almost become a signifier or test as to who is to be accepted and who is not. Therefore, to create and sustain friendships within the estate many young men commit crimes or acts of violence not just simply out of a lack of other opportunities, but also as a way to cement the friendships they make on the estate. This accumulates into friendships at times becoming used to support one’s own identity and position within an environment (Peggy C. Giordano 1986).

This notion of friendship within the estate and how it links to crime or violence, is due to the context of the social housing estate as the built environment they are a part of. The ways in which friendship groups socialise is a product of their environment or in many cases the lack of suitable environments for them to socialise. This paired alongside the idea of the competitive aspects often apart of being considered “one of the lads” accumulates into further levels of crime and violence within social housing.

Throughout this paper I have discussed the ways in which the built environment of social housing estates has a direct involvement in the rising levels of crime and violent behaviour within youths across Britain in particular. Looking at the notions of identity, family, and friendship to display the ways in which different aspects of the built environment and the habitus of social housing estates can often lead to higher levels of criminal activity. Although I do not believe it is the only cause for this, to me it is one that needs to be researched further to understand the issue and how to resolve it.

The rising crime rates within young people are an issue that deserves our utmost attention. The inequalities and concentration of crime into areas of high deprivation and social housing means those most impacted by this are often powerless within the institutions capable to enact change. This isolation and disillusionment of the working and lower classes must end for real change to occur. Those in positions of wealth and power must try and understand people different from them with a greater deal of empathy and understanding. The resolution to this problem lies in the dominant classes becoming more aware of the reality and the circumstances faced daily by those living in areas of deprivation and social housing. By writing this paper I hoped to bring to light just some of the many ways the built environment of the social housing estate impacts those inhabiting it in negative ways.

 I am not suggesting resolving the problems within the built environment of social housing will eliminate youth crime and violence. I am merely stating that in my view children and peoples in general should not fall victim to their environments. I believe it’s our role as a society to find resolutions to the problems and inequalities caused from different issues we face at home.

REFERENCES

Bourdieu, Pierre. 2005. “Habitus: A Sense of Place.” By Pierre Bourdieu, 43-49. Routledge —. 1977. Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge Univeristy Press.

Calum JR Webb, Savara L. Bennett, Paul Bywaters, 2022. 2022. “Austerity, Poverty and Child Services Quality in England.” Social Policy and Society 1-22.

Collison, Mike. 1996. “In Search of the HIgh Life: Drugs, Crimes, Masculinities and Consumption.” British Journal of Criminology .

Federation, National Housig. 2023. 310,000 children in overcrowded homes forced to share a bed with parents or siblings. April. Accessed April 2024.

https://www.housing.org.uk/news-and-blogs/news/310000-children-in-overcrowded-homes-forced-to-share-a-bed-with-parents-or-siblings/.

McCord, Joan. 1991. “Family Relationships, juvenile delquncy and adult criminality.” Criminlogy (Wiley Online Library) 29 (3).

Minister, David Cameron Prime. 2011. “Gov.Uk.” Troubeled Families Speech. 15 December. Accessed April 2024. https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/troubled-families-speech.

Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government. 2019. The English Indices of Deprivation 2019. London: Assests Publishing Services.

Peggy C. Giordano, Stephen A. Cernkovich and M. D. Pugh. 1986. “Friendships and Delinquency.” American Journal of Sociology (The University of Chicago Press) 19 (5): 1170-1202.

Tara Young, Daniel Silverstone and Wendy Fitzgibbons. 2014. “A Question of Family? Youth and Gangs.” Youth Justice 14 (2).